Posts For: February 10, 2015

An Administration With a Blind Spot About Anti-Semitism

President Obama’s recent interview with Vox included an astonishing characterization of one of the most notorious recent terror attacks. As he did in his initial reaction to the assault on a kosher deli in Paris, the president did not call it an act of anti-Semitism or say that those slaughtered were singled out for murder because they were Jews. Even worse, he told Vox that those responsible for the attack on the Hyper Cacher had decided to “randomly shoot a bunch of folks in a Paris deli.” The day after such a glaring misstatement of fact, one might expect the White House to walk back this remark in some way. But, instead, both White House spokesman Josh Earnest and State Department spokesperson Jen Psaki doubled down on the president’s tortured logic in a stunning display of Orwellian doubletalk. Instead of just a president with a blind spot about anti-Semitism that comes out when he is interviewed, it is now clear that the United States has an administration with a blind spot about anti-Semitism.

Read More

President Obama’s recent interview with Vox included an astonishing characterization of one of the most notorious recent terror attacks. As he did in his initial reaction to the assault on a kosher deli in Paris, the president did not call it an act of anti-Semitism or say that those slaughtered were singled out for murder because they were Jews. Even worse, he told Vox that those responsible for the attack on the Hyper Cacher had decided to “randomly shoot a bunch of folks in a Paris deli.” The day after such a glaring misstatement of fact, one might expect the White House to walk back this remark in some way. But, instead, both White House spokesman Josh Earnest and State Department spokesperson Jen Psaki doubled down on the president’s tortured logic in a stunning display of Orwellian doubletalk. Instead of just a president with a blind spot about anti-Semitism that comes out when he is interviewed, it is now clear that the United States has an administration with a blind spot about anti-Semitism.

To have made such a statement once might be just a gaffe. To do it twice revealed that the president has a blind spot about anti-Semitism that somehow prevents him from either admitting that the incident was anti-Semitic or condemning it as an incident in which Jews were targeted. But today we learned that this is not just a rhetorical tic. It is now official U.S. policy to claim that when Islamist murderers go into a kosher deli looking for Jews to kill, they are not targeting Jews or acting out of religious bias.

Earnest ‘s insistence that the Hyper Cacher was not chosen by the terrorists because of the likelihood that it would be filled with Jews shopping for the Sabbath is mind-boggling. So, too, is Psaki’s belief that calling it an act of anti-Semitism is a question so complex that only the local French authorities investigating the crime can know for sure.

Why the adamant refusal to label an unambiguous act of anti-Semitism what it is?

One reason is the natural resistance on the part of this administration to admit mistakes especially when the president commits them. President Obama is a notoriously thin-skinned individual who clings to the conceit that he understands every issue better than his critics. Few administrations like to concede they have erred but this one is particularly allergic to that type of transparency.

But this problem goes deeper than that.

This is an administration that is loath to say that Islamist terrorists represent a significant minority of adherents of their faith. Indeed, as I noted yesterday, this understandable desire to avoid casting the conflict as one of the West against Muslims has been exaggerated to the extent that the president now poses as the pope and claims that he has the authority to determine who does or does not reflect the true version of that faith.

But now apparently this reluctance to admit that Islamists terrorists are Muslims extends to refusing to say that Jewish victims were Jewish or that the killers were trying to kill Jews. In doing so, the administration seems to think that denying that it was an act of anti-Semitism will absolve it of any responsibility to speak up against Jew hatred or to acknowledge the way the virus of anti-Semitism has spread among Muslims.

It goes without saying that this controversy and the embarrassing lengths to which Obama’s whims required Earnest and Psaki to foreswear both logic and honesty were entirely unnecessary. Acknowledging the obvious anti-Semitic nature of the Hyper Cacher attack has no real policy implications. No one expects the administration to do anything about anti-Semitism except to condemn it. In fact any mention of the attack is not a trick question. It is a layup for the president who could easily pose as a defender of Jewish interests and an opponent of hate by merely saying he is appalled by the targeting of Jews in France or anywhere else. Obama and his mouthpieces could have done this easily without being roped into unwanted action or even expressing sympathy for Israel as a refuge against anti-Semitism. But though speaking out against anti-Semitism is a cost-free way of demonstrating both sensitivity and a zealous defense of human rights, it is apparently too much to ask of a president who feels free in his last two years in the White House to say and do as he likes.

But there is a cost attached to Obama’s refusal to speak about anti-Semitism and his firm orders to underlings to copy his oblivious stand. By that I do not refer to a political cost for Obama who will never again have to face an electorate, including an American Jewish community that gave him the lion’s share of their votes despite his obvious hostility to Israel. Instead it is the Jews of Europe, who continue to be targeted because of their faith amid what even Obama’s State Department termed a “rising tide of anti-Semitism,” who will pay the price for his refusal to speak the truth about violent Jew hatred.

Islamist terrorists and their state sponsors in Iran will not be slow to pick up on this signal from Washington that the Jews are on their own. If the president and his spin masters won’t speak about anti-Semitism, you can be sure that those ginning up these attacks and engaging in the most vile forms of delegitimization will interpret it as a sign that the U.S. isn’t interested in the fate of the Jews.

Were the president prepared to speak responsibly about terrorism he would do more than acknowledge that the Hyper Cacher was singled out because it was filled with Jews. He would, instead, connect the dots between these acts of terror and the hate spread by an Iranian regime that he is pursuing with offers of détente. But it is hardly surprising that a president who treats Israeli acts of self-defense against terror as an obstacle to his foreign policy goals would treat the siege of the Jews of Europe as beneath his notice.

An administration with a blind spot about anti-Semitism is one that is not only encouraging more such attacks. It is also demonstrating that is unready to defend anyone against an Islamist scourge that this president dares not call by its right name.

Read Less

Our Agonized President

Sigh. Here we go again. The law professor turned president is having another one of his endless policy reviews. Previously he agonized over, inter alia, whether to surge troops in Afghanistan (yes—but with a timeline and a force cap), whether to arm the Syrian resistance (not really), and whether to attack Bashar Assad for crossing the “red line” on chemical weapons use (yes then no). Now the issue is whether to send Ukraine “defensive” but “lethal” weapons.

Read More

Sigh. Here we go again. The law professor turned president is having another one of his endless policy reviews. Previously he agonized over, inter alia, whether to surge troops in Afghanistan (yes—but with a timeline and a force cap), whether to arm the Syrian resistance (not really), and whether to attack Bashar Assad for crossing the “red line” on chemical weapons use (yes then no). Now the issue is whether to send Ukraine “defensive” but “lethal” weapons.

As in past administration policy reviews, word is leaking out about which insiders favor which course of action. Now, for example, both Vice President Biden and Secretary of State Kerry have signaled they favor sending arms. But their views don’t necessarily count for much. After all in 2012, Secretary of Defense Panetta, Secretary of State Clinton, and CIA Director Petraeus all favored arming the Syrian rebels and Obama still said no.

In such important matters, Obama appears to be increasingly disdainful of his professional policy advisers, turning inside to a handful of insiders such as Valerie Jarrett, Susan Rice, and Ben Rhodes—and relying, of course, primarily upon his own formidable intellect even if that intellect has frequently led him astray. Thus we are once again being treated to the spectacle of Obama struggling mightily to make up his mind while trying to put off a decision for as long as humanly possible. In the case of Ukraine, this means endless consultations with German Chancellor Merkel (who opposes arming the Ukrainians), and waiting for fruitless negotiations between the EU and Russia to play out for the umpteenth time.

Is it any wonder, then, that Russia has been advancing so readily? Vladimir Putin doesn’t agonize—he acts decisively and with great determination. Knowing what he wants, and knowing also that the Leader of the Free World is too busy agonizing to effectively oppose his imperialist designs, Putin has managed to wrest away from Kiev not only Crimea but much of the eastern part of the country too. And that land grab continues unabated while Obama wrings his hands over whether to let the Ukrainians fight for their freedom.

Read Less

Include Israel at ‘Countering Violent Extremism Summit’

On February 18, President Barack Obama will host a summit on “Countering Violent Extremism.” The summit, the White House says, will build on its earlier report, “Empowering Local Partners to Prevent Violent Extremism in the United States.” In theory, such a summit could be important—or as important as any diplomatic powwow can be. But, once again, rather than lead, President Obama appears willing to follow.

Read More

On February 18, President Barack Obama will host a summit on “Countering Violent Extremism.” The summit, the White House says, will build on its earlier report, “Empowering Local Partners to Prevent Violent Extremism in the United States.” In theory, such a summit could be important—or as important as any diplomatic powwow can be. But, once again, rather than lead, President Obama appears willing to follow.

During the previous incarnation of Obama’s “Global Counter Terrorism Forum,” the president acquiesced to Arab and Turkish demands that he exclude Israel. Just as Mary Robinson, while serving as UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, transformed her flagship “World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance” into a platform celebrating racism, racial discrimination, anti-Semitism, and xenophobia, so too did Obama transform a counter terrorism forum into a celebration of those states most responsible for Islamist terror.

Unless he stands firm—and overcomes his apparent personal antipathy toward the Jewish state to ensure that Israel has a seat at the table—Obama will simply be affirming the success of violent extremism and furthering it rather than countering it.

Nor should Obama’s personal feelings toward Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu play any role in a decision to invite or exclude. After all, if whom Obama likes becomes the litmus test, then he will simply be affirming the worst suspicions of his administration: that he not only works with those like Turkey’s increasingly off-kilter President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, repressive Cuban dictator Raúl Castro, or Nigeria’s corrupt president Goodluck Jonathan, but actually approves of them.

The ball is in Obama’s court. Alas, it seems like the Countering Violent Extremism conference will be yet one more own-goal on Obama’s scorecard.

Read Less

Supreme Court Hijinx May Mark a Low Point

In a matter of months, the Supreme Court will decide whether a right to same-sex marriage is guaranteed under the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution. But yesterday seven of the nine justices, including Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Alito, did something highly unusual: they refused to stay a district court ruling striking down an Alabama statute defining marriage as a legal union between one man and one woman. It is a procedural irregularity that speaks volumes about the case and about the court.

Read More

In a matter of months, the Supreme Court will decide whether a right to same-sex marriage is guaranteed under the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution. But yesterday seven of the nine justices, including Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Alito, did something highly unusual: they refused to stay a district court ruling striking down an Alabama statute defining marriage as a legal union between one man and one woman. It is a procedural irregularity that speaks volumes about the case and about the court.

Ordinarily, when a federal court invalidates a state law, the Supreme Court suspends the lower court’s judgment from taking effect pending judicial review of the issue. With the constitutionality of gay marriage once again before the Court this term, that is precisely what many were expecting the high court to do in the Alabama case. But instead, the majority denied the stay without explanation.

In a blistering dissent joined by Justice Scalia, Justice Thomas accused his colleagues of a grotesque breach of judicial decorum: “[R]ather than treat like applicants alike,” he wrote,

the Court looks the other way as yet another Federal District Judge casts aside state laws without making any effort to preserve the status quo pending the Court’s resolution of a constitutional question it left open in United States v. Windsor. . . This acquiescence may well be seen as a signal of the Court’s intended resolution of that question. This is not the proper way to discharge our Article III responsibilities. And, it is indecorous for this Court to pretend that it is.

Thomas is right on all counts. The Court’s refusal to grant a stay in this case may well signal the direction in which Roberts and Alito will vote on the Fourteenth Amendment issue. It is possible that they know that Kennedy will vote with the liberal justices, and that they will therefore broker a deal with the majority to limit the scope of the ruling.

But it is also possible that Roberts and Alito denied the stay in response to events in Alabama. The day before the Court issued its ruling, Roy Moore, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Alabama and head of the state’s judiciary, ordered the state’s probate judges to stop issuing marriage licenses to same-sex couples. (Moore is no stranger to controversy, having flouted a 2003 federal court order requiring him to remove a statue of the Ten Commandments from the Alabama State Judicial Building.) It is possible that the high court’s denial of the stay was a direct response to Moore’s defiance of federal authority. Granting the stay might have indirectly given a veneer of legitimacy to his open defiance of the district court’s ruling.

But contrary to reports, Moore is no George Wallace or Orval Faubus. When the segregation-era governors made their notorious stands against the desegregation of Alabama and Arkansas public schools, they did so in defiance of the Supreme Court’s 1954 ruling in Brown v. Board of Education. The matter had been settled by the highest court of the land, and its decision was final: segregation was unconstitutional. Compliance with Brown, as with all Supreme Court rulings court, was supported by public trust in the integrity and fairness of the federal judiciary and by the political will to enforce judicial decisions. Secure that it had both, in 1958 the Supreme Court was able to take square aim at such acts of political defiance, holding: “No state legislator or executive or judicial officer can war against the Constitution without violating his undertaking to support it.”

To be sure, Roy Moore is at war with the federal judiciary; but his defiance stems from the belief that the interpretation of the district court is not final. The Supreme Court must not be swayed by such political posturing lest it run the risk of losing both popular trust and political will. If the majority was swayed by Moore’s judicial tantrum in issuing its ruling yesterday, then it is a sad day for the dignity of the Court. But if the majority denied the stay because it has already made up its mind on the constitutionality of same-sex marriage, then it is a sad day for the rule of law.

 

Read Less




Welcome to Commentary Magazine.
We hope you enjoy your visit.
As a visitor to our site, you are allowed 8 free articles this month.
This is your first of 8 free articles.

If you are already a digital subscriber, log in here »

Print subscriber? For free access to the website and iPad, register here »

To subscribe, click here to see our subscription offers »

Please note this is an advertisement skip this ad
Clearly, you have a passion for ideas.
Subscribe today for unlimited digital access to the publication that shapes the minds of the people who shape our world.
Get for just
Welcome to Commentary Magazine.
We hope you enjoy your visit.
As a visitor, you are allowed 8 free articles.
This is your first article.
You have read of 8 free articles this month.
YOU HAVE READ 8 OF 8
FREE ARTICLES THIS MONTH.
for full access to
CommentaryMagazine.com
INCLUDES FULL ACCESS TO:
Digital subscriber?
Print subscriber? Get free access »
Call to subscribe: 1-800-829-6270
You can also subscribe
on your computer at
CommentaryMagazine.com.
LOG IN WITH YOUR
COMMENTARY MAGAZINE ID
Don't have a CommentaryMagazine.com log in?
CREATE A COMMENTARY
LOG IN ID
Enter you email address and password below. A confirmation email will be sent to the email address that you provide.